Introduction

General Muhammadu Buhari (1942–2025) occupies a unique place in Nigeria’s history, having led the nation both as a military ruler in the 1980s and later as an elected president in the 2010s. His long public life was marked by a consistent emphasis on discipline, anti-corruption, and infrastructural development, from his early days as a military governor and oil industry administrator to his years as Head of State and President. Buhari’s legacy is multifaceted – characterized by ambitious development projects and austere economic reforms on one hand, and authoritarian excesses and contentious outcomes on the other. This essay provides a comprehensive analysis of Buhari’s political and developmental legacy, covering his service as Nigeria’s first Military Governor of the North-Eastern State, his pivotal role in the establishment of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), his later stewardship of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), and the signature projects and policies he championed. It further examines Buhari’s agricultural and economic policies during his 1983–1985 military regime and the key policies, reforms, and controversies of his civilian presidency from 2015 to 2023. The discussion is presented in a balanced yet impassioned tone – critically appraising both achievements and failings, while acknowledging the broad developmental vision that Buhari espoused throughout his career.

Early Leadership in the North East and the Oil Sector

Buhari first rose to prominence during Nigeria’s era of military governance in the 1970s. In the wake of the July 1975 coup that ousted General Yakubu Gowon, the 32-year-old Buhari was appointed as the military Governor of the North-Eastern State. In this role (August 1975 to February 1976), he administered a vast region (now split into several states, including Borno and Adamawa) and earned a reputation for strict discipline and order. Although his tenure as governor was brief – ending when the North-Eastern State was subdivided in 1976 – Buhari is remembered as Nigeria’s first military governor of the North-East, helping to establish federal authority in a post-civil war era. This early experience in regional governance honed Buhari’s administrative skills and set the stage for his later focus on national development.

Buhari’s next major assignment came under the administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo. In 1976, Buhari was appointed Federal Commissioner (Minister) for Petroleum and Natural Resources, a position of great responsibility given Nigeria’s burgeoning oil industry. At the same time, the government was consolidating its grip on the oil sector, and in 1977 the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was created by merging the old Nigerian National Oil Corporation with the petroleum ministry. Buhari played a key role in this process – he was named the first Chairman of the NNPC in 1977, a post he occupied until 1978. In this capacity, Buhari oversaw formative policies for Nigeria’s oil industry, helping to lay the foundation for NNPC as the state-run oil company that would dominate the sector for decades to come. Under his watch, the NNPC and the government pursued aggressive infrastructure expansion. “The government built about 21 petroleum storage depots all over the country, from Lagos to Maiduguri and from Calabar to Gusau,” connecting far-flung corners of Nigeria into a unified supply network. This era saw the construction of a vast pipeline network linking oil fields, refineries, and distribution depots: one new system connected the Bonny crude oil terminal and the Port Harcourt refinery in the delta to inland depots, while another project laid pipelines from the Escravos terminal to Warri Refinery and onward to a new refinery in Kaduna. These pipelines effectively brought fuel and energy infrastructure to remote parts of Nigeria for the first time. Buhari also oversaw the signing of contracts for major facilities such as the Kaduna refinery, reflecting his commitment to domestic refining capacity and energy self-sufficiency. The scope of these projects demonstrated an early blueprint of Buhari’s developmental vision: using oil wealth to build critical infrastructure that could integrate Nigeria’s regions and drive growth. However, this period was not without controversy. In 1980, a scandal erupted over an alleged disappearance of $2.8 billion from NNPC accounts during Buhari’s tenure in the oil ministry – an accusation later investigated by a tribunal which found no evidence of criminal misappropriation, though it noted accounting lapses. Buhari was ultimately cleared of wrongdoing, but the episode foreshadowed the intense scrutiny that would follow his management of public resources.

Military Head of State (1983–1985): Austerity and “War Against Indiscipline”

On December 31, 1983, amid widespread disillusionment with civilian rule due to economic collapse and rampant corruption, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari led a military coup that overthrew President Shehu Shagari’s government. The military regime that followed installed Buhari as Head of State (with Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon as his deputy), entrusting him with the task of salvaging Nigeria’s economy and reasserting discipline in national life. Buhari’s 20-month rule (January 1984 – August 1985) was defined by a forceful, no-nonsense approach to governance – one that won him admirers for its toughness and integrity, but also critics for its heavy-handedness and human rights abuses.

Economically, Buhari inherited a nation in crisis: the early 1980s oil glut had sent Nigeria’s oil revenues plummeting, foreign debt was mounting, and basic goods were scarce. Buhari’s response was to implement draconian austerity measures and a regimen of belt-tightening to stabilize the economy. Rejecting out of hand the IMF’s demand for a 60% currency devaluation (a condition for a loan) as unacceptable, Buhari instead pursued his own brand of painful reforms. In May 1984, he unveiled a national budget that slashed spending and instituted strict controls: among other measures, his government froze public sector hiring, raised interest rates, halted all capital projects, banned state governments from new borrowing, and cut federal spending by 15% compared to the previous year. Import trade was aggressively curbed to conserve foreign exchange – imports of countless “non-essential” goods were prohibited or heavily tariffed, while priority was given to raw materials and spare parts needed for agriculture and critical industries. Buhari also introduced a revolutionary currency change in 1984, secretly redesigning Nigeria’s currency and requiring old notes to be exchanged within a short window – a move aimed at rendering corrupt cash hoards useless and curbing inflation. Furthermore, in an effort to manage scarce foreign exchange and avoid IMF-dependence, his government experimented with countertrade (barter deals exchanging Nigerian oil for needed goods). These policies reflected Buhari’s instinct for “local production and self-reliance” – essentially an import-substitution strategy intended to wean Nigeria off costly imports and encourage domestic industry. Buhari also encouraged import substitution industrialisation based to a great extent on the use of local materials. However, the austerity came at a steep cost to Nigerians: factories struggled as import restrictions left them short of inputs, many businesses operated far below capacity or shut down, and unemployment and inflation both rose sharply. Essential commodities became scarce or exorbitantly priced, straining ordinary households. By mid-1985, Nigeria was in an outright economic downturn, and critics argued that Buhari’s cure was as debilitating as the disease it sought to remedy.

Alongside these economic measures, Buhari launched an aggressive anti-corruption drive and an infamous social campaign known as the “War Against Indiscipline” (WAI). Deeply concerned that Nigeria’s moral fabric had frayed under corrupt civilian rule, Buhari believed that instilling civic virtues and order was a prerequisite for development. WAI, inaugurated in March 1984, imposed strict rules on public behavior: Nigerians were ordered to form neat queues at bus stops and public offices, lateness to work was punished with on-the-spot exercises (like “frog-jumps”), and officials enforced anti-littering and cleanliness drills on streets. The regime also targeted corruption and “indiscipline” through retroactive decrees. Under Decree 20, drug trafficking became punishable by death, and indeed several convicted drug couriers were executed by firing squad as a stark warning. Under Decree 4, journalists could be jailed for publishing “false accusations” against public officials, leading to the arrest of reporters who criticized the regime. And under Decree 2, the State Security (Detention of Persons) decree, Buhari’s government gained powers to detain anyone deemed a security risk for up to three months without trial – a power that was repeatedly renewed to keep critics and hundreds of former officials in jail indefinitely. Indeed, Buhari’s government jailed roughly 500 politicians, officials and businessmen on corruption charges (often via military tribunals), including state governors and ministers from the preceding civilian administration. While many Nigerians initially welcomed this tough stance – seeing Buhari as delivering justice to thieving elites – the authoritarian manner of its execution soon bred resentment. The regime brooked no dissent: labor strikes and public protests were banned, outspoken critics (such as Afrobeat musician Fela Kuti) were imprisoned on spurious charges, and the press was muzzled. In July 1984, in a dramatic incident emblematic of Buhari’s zealous anti-graft posture, his security agents attempted to kidnap Umaru Dikko, a civilian minister accused of embezzlement who had fled to London; the plot (to crate him back to Nigeria) failed and caused an international scandal. By 1985, even some within the military felt Buhari’s rule had become too repressive and economically untenable. On August 27, 1985, General Ibrahim Babangida led a coup that ousted Buhari from power. Buhari was promptly arrested and would spend nearly three years in detention. His time as military head of state was over, but it had cemented an enduring image: Buhari the strict disciplinarian, intolerant of corruption and indiscipline, willing to impose painful remedies to try to right Nigeria’s course. This image – summed up in the term “Buharism” for his rigid, corrective style of governance – would shape both his political brand and the public’s polarized opinions of him in the decades to come.

Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund: Projects and Controversies (1994–1999)

After several years in the political wilderness, Buhari returned to national prominence in the mid-1990s in a technocratic role. In 1994, General Sani Abacha’s military government appointed Muhammadu Buhari as the Executive Chairman of the Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund (PTF). The PTF was an initiative to direct petroleum revenues toward developmental projects as a way to mitigate the pain of Abacha’s decision to drastically cut fuel subsidies. Essentially, funds saved from charging higher petrol prices were “ploughed back” into society through the PTF, which undertook projects across six key sectors: roads and transportation, water supply, healthcare, education, food security, and “other” infrastructure. Buhari’s mandate was to ensure the transparent and effective use of these oil revenues for the public good – a mission well-suited to his austere, anti-corruption persona.

Under Buhari’s leadership from 1994 to 1999, the PTF launched an ambitious portfolio of development works that reached communities nationwide. Road rehabilitation and construction were a centerpiece: the PTF repaired hundreds of kilometers of neglected highways and rural roads, improving connectivity and safety in the transport network. The fund also invested in extending water supply systems, drilling boreholes and building small dams to provide potable water in underserved areas. In the health sector, the PTF supplied drugs and equipment to hospitals and funded vaccination programs, aiming to revitalize primary healthcare. Perhaps most visibly, the PTF poured resources into education – not by building universities, but by tackling basic needs: it massively distributed textbooks and instructional materials to schools, rehabilitated dilapidated classrooms, and provided tables, chairs, and science laboratory equipment to institutions across Nigeria. These educational interventions were partly funded through a dedicated Petroleum Development Fund (PDF) – essentially an allocation of oil money for human capital development. (Notably, Nigeria had earlier established the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) in 1973 for training Nigerians in petroleum engineering and geosciences, and during Buhari’s time in the oil ministry and PTF, this ethos of investing oil wealth in local human capacity remained strong.) The PTDF sponsored scholarships for Nigerian students in science and technology fields, reflecting Buhari’s belief in using oil revenues to nurture the next generation of professionals.

One of Buhari’s notable contributions at PTF was extending petroleum infrastructure to remote areas. Pipeline projects featured in the PTF agenda, though on a smaller scale than in the 1970s. For example, petroleum product pipelines and depots were built or refurbished in far northern locations, ensuring that even remote states could receive fuel supply from the national grid rather than relying on expensive truck transportation. Buhari’s prior experience in petroleum infrastructure no doubt informed these efforts to knit the country together via pipelines and storage depots.

By the late 1990s, the PTF under Buhari had earned a mixed reputation. On one hand, it was widely praised for actually delivering results in an era when government services had largely collapsed. An investigative report by New African magazine in 1998 commended the PTF’s transparency and efficiency, calling it a rare “success story” among Nigeria’s otherwise dire public institutions. Many Nigerians saw freshly repaired roads, newly stocked school libraries, and functioning health clinics for the first time in years thanks to PTF projects. Buhari’s personal strictness appeared to permeate the fund’s operations. In the words of one former official, “Not a culvert was built without cause. Not a contract was padded. And not a single project was left behind as a ghost” during Buhari’s PTF tenure. Indeed, Dr. Tanimu Yakubu, who worked with Buhari, recounted that each naira was stretched and each project vetted under an “ascetic yardstick” set by Buhari’s own incorruptible standards. Such testimonials have led many to view the PTF era as a golden chapter in prudent public finance. However, there were also controversies and criticisms. Detractors questioned the regional allocation of PTF resources, noting that a disproportionate share – about 20% of the PTF’s expenditure – was devoted to projects benefiting the military (which was predominantly northern-led at the time). This fueled suspicions that Buhari might have channeled resources preferentially, or at least that the PTF was not under rigorous democratic oversight. Years later, under President Obasanjo in 2000, a government review of PTF activities alleged that approximately ₦25 billion (around $250 million at the time) was mismanaged or unaccounted for, though Buhari himself was never implicated in personal wrongdoing. Buhari defended his record, insisting that any discrepancies were due to successor agencies and that his own stewardship at PTF was honest and meticulous. The debate over the PTF’s equity and efficiency was never fully resolved, but Buhari emerged from the 1990s with his reputation for integrity largely intact. In the eyes of supporters, his successful management of the PTF proved his commitment to development devoid of graft, and it bolstered the moral authority with which he would later campaign for the presidency.

Policies and Challenges of the Civilian Presidency (2015–2023)

In 2015, after three unsuccessful attempts, Muhammadu Buhari reinvented himself as a democrat and won election as President of Nigeria, three decades after his military regime. His victory was historic – the first time an incumbent Nigerian president was defeated at the polls – and was built on a wave of popular hope that “Baba” Buhari would bring his anti-corruption zeal, discipline, and patriotism to rescue a country mired in insecurity and economic malaise. In his May 29, 2015 inaugural address, Buhari memorably declared, “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody,” signaling that he intended to govern impartially and transcend sectional interests. He identified three flagship priorities for his administration: fighting corruption, combating insecurity (especially the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast), and reviving the economy. Over the next eight years, Buhari pursued these goals with mixed results – achieving notable infrastructural milestones and some policy reforms, but also facing criticism for economic stagnation, a deteriorating security situation in some regions, and an alleged reversion to authoritarian tendencies.

Anti-Corruption Campaign: Buhari’s crusade against corruption was the cornerstone of his appeal. Upon taking office, he moved swiftly to institute measures aimed at tightening financial accountability. One early step was the implementation of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) system across federal ministries to curtail leakages (a policy initiated previously but enforced under Buhari). His administration strengthened the hand of anti-graft agencies; high-profile figures, including former state governors and officials from the previous government, were arrested and prosecuted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Some notable convictions were secured, and Nigeria recovered hundreds of millions of dollars in stolen public funds (including proceeds of historic corruption cases like the Abacha loot, repatriated from abroad). Buhari also passed whistleblower protection policies that incentivized citizens to report hidden wealth, leading to dramatic finds such as millions of dollars stashed in an upscale Lagos apartment in 2017. However, the anti-corruption drive was marred by allegations of selectivity and internal contradictions. Critics accused Buhari of targeting opposition figures while shielding his allies. Indeed, when videos surfaced in 2018 appearing to show one of Buhari’s close political allies, a state governor, stuffing wads of cash (allegedly kickbacks) into his robes, Buhari dismissed the evidence as “doctored” and took no action. Such incidents dented the credibility of the anti-graft war. Moreover, key institutions like the judiciary and civil service saw only modest reforms, and corruption perception indices showed Nigeria still struggling. By the end of Buhari’s tenure, many observers concluded that the anti-corruption campaign had lost steam. As one commentator put it, “Buhari served himself, not Nigeria… nepotism and selective anti-corruption [undermined] his crusade”, suggesting the effort was more rhetoric than reality. Nevertheless, Buhari’s years in office did witness a normative shift – the conversation around probity in public office became central, and future leaders would likely be held to the higher standard that Buhari at least professed.

Security and Counterterrorism: Upon assuming office, President Buhari faced Nigeria’s gravest security threat in decades – the Boko Haram insurgency. Boko Haram militants controlled dozens of local government areas in the North-East and were terrorizing the region with bombings and mass kidnappings (notably the 2014 abduction of 276 Chibok schoolgirls). Buhari, a retired general from the affected region, made it a priority to “crush” Boko Haram. He relocated Nigeria’s military command center to Maiduguri (the epicenter of the conflict) and forged a closer coalition with neighboring Cameroon, Niger, and Chad to jointly combat the insurgents. Under his watch, the Nigerian army launched sustained offensives in 2015–2016 that drove Boko Haram out of most of its strongholds. By late 2015, Buhari declared that Boko Haram was “technically defeated,” as the group could no longer hold territory openly. Indeed, major towns in Borno and Adamawa that had been under militant control were liberated, and some normalcy returned to the northeast. The government also successfully negotiated (with international mediation) the release of over 100 of the kidnapped Chibok schoolgirls in 2016–2017, a poignant victory for Buhari’s administration. However, the security gains proved only partial and temporary. A splinter of Boko Haram affiliated with the Islamic State (ISWAP) remained active and entrenched in the Lake Chad region, carrying out periodic deadly raids. By Buhari’s second term, new security crises eclipsed even Boko Haram: banditry and rural violence surged across the north-west, with roving gangs kidnapping civilians for ransom, and in the central states, herder-farmer conflicts (often pitting Fulani herdsmen against agrarian communities) escalated into deadly clashes. Buhari’s government struggled to contain these diffuse threats. Critics accused the president of a lethargic and aloof response to security challenges outside the Boko Haram theatre. Notably, when bandits massacred dozens of villagers or when militant herdsmen attacked farming communities, Buhari was often slow to issue statements or visit affected areas, feeding a narrative of indifference. In the south-east, the rise of a separatist agitation (the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB) was met with a heavy military deployment (Operation Python Dance) and the eventual arrest of the IPOB leader, sparking accusations of ethnic bias in how Buhari handled unrest (forcefully cracking down on Igbo separatists while appearing to negotiate leniently with northern bandits). By 2022, Nigeria’s security landscape was arguably more complex than in 2015, with Boko Haram weakened but not vanquished, and new threats proliferating. Still, Buhari could point to some hard-won successes: for instance, by 2023 the Boko Haram insurgency had markedly ebbed from its 2014 peak, and the once-frequent bomb blasts in Abuja or Kano had largely ceased. In one of his valedictory speeches, Buhari remarked that he was leaving Nigeria safer than he met it – a claim debated by many, but supported in part by the degraded status of Boko Haram. The consensus, however, is that security remained an unfinished agenda, and Buhari’s record in this area, while determined, fell short of his own promises.

Infrastructure and Development Projects: If any area drew praise even from Buhari’s skeptics, it was his administration’s focus on infrastructure renewal. True to his lifelong belief in building foundations for development, President Buhari initiated or completed a range of major projects in rail, road, and aviation infrastructure. He often described this as addressing Nigeria’s decades-long “infrastructure deficit” necessary for economic diversification. Under Buhari, Nigeria saw its first new standard-gauge rail lines come into operation. The flagship project was the Abuja–Kaduna railway, a 186 km line linking the capital to the north-west, which was completed and commenced operations in 2016 (having been started by the prior government). This was followed by the much-celebrated Lagos–Ibadan double-track railway, opened in 2021, reviving fast train travel between Nigeria’s two largest cities for the first time in generations. Another long-delayed line, the Itakpe–Warri railway, originally begun in the 1980s, was finished and inaugurated by Buhari’s government in 2020, connecting the iron-ore mining belt to a southern port and opening opportunities for freight and passenger movement. Buhari also prioritized road construction and rehabilitation on an unprecedented scale. His government mobilized funds (including borrowing from Chinese lenders and launching a novel Sukuk bond) to rebuild critical expressways: for example, the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and Abuja-Kano highway underwent major upgrades, and the long-awaited Second Niger Bridge – a vital bridge linking the east and west across the Niger River – was finally completed in 2022. Additionally, virtually every state saw one federal road project or another, from new bypasses to repaired bridges. In the aviation sector, Buhari’s tenure saw the completion of new terminal buildings at Abuja and Port Harcourt International Airports (inaugurated 2018) and the upgrade of Enugu Airport’s runway. These efforts represented the largest infrastructural drive in Nigeria since perhaps the 1970s oil boom, and Buhari’s supporters tout it as a redeeming highlight of his presidency. “No other president has focused on infrastructure as much as he did – there was a construction spree of rail lines, crucial bridges and dozens of interstate highways,” one analysis noted, reflecting the administration’s own proud talking points. Buhari also expanded investment in the power sector (though with less success, as electricity output remained stubbornly low and the national grid continued to suffer frequent collapses). Moreover, he launched social programs such as the National Social Investment Programme which included a youth job scheme (N-Power), school meal programs, and conditional cash transfers to the poorest households. These were unprecedented in scale – by 2019, nearly 800,000 impoverished Nigerians were receiving a modest monthly stipend under the cash transfer program. Such initiatives underscored Buhari’s stated commitment to inclusive development and lifting the vulnerable out of poverty. However, even these achievements drew scrutiny. Some projects progressed slowly or fell short of their promise: for instance, the Abuja light rail metro, launched with fanfare in 2018, was barely operational by 2023 and carried few passengers. The power sector improvements did not translate into reliable electricity for most citizens, with the grid crashing over 100 times during Buhari’s tenure despite new power plants being commissioned. The social investment schemes, while conceptually sound, were criticized for alleged lack of transparency in beneficiary selection and for being a drop in the bucket relative to Nigeria’s vast poverty. In short, Buhari’s “infrastructure boom” was real and substantial, but its immediate impact on the everyday economic life of Nigerians remained limited by broader structural problems.

Economic Performance: Buhari’s presidency coincided with challenging economic times, and many critics argue that his policies exacerbated the difficulties. Shortly after he took office, global oil prices collapsed in 2015–2016, slashing Nigeria’s main source of revenue. Without ample savings to cushion the shock (Nigeria’s foreign reserves and sovereign wealth were low), the country fell into a recession in 2016, its first in over two decades. Buhari’s response was a mix of orthodox austerity and interventionist controls reminiscent of his 1980s approach. He increased government spending on infrastructure (running up deficits) to stimulate growth, but simultaneously he was reluctant to let the currency devalue freely, leading to a notorious gap between official and black-market exchange rates. Investors became wary, and capital flight accelerated. By 2017 the economy recovered modestly, but growth remained sluggish – far below population growth. In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic dealt another blow, causing a brief recession, and by 2023 Nigeria’s GDP per capita had fallen further. Unemployment and poverty surged to record levels. In fact, under Buhari, Nigeria acquired the unwelcome title of “the world’s poverty capital”, with an estimated 133 million Nigerians (out of ~220 million) living in extreme poverty by 2022. A think-tank report in 2023 bluntly noted that “Under Buhari, Nigeria became the world’s poverty capital” – an indictment of his economic legacy. Unemployment more than tripled during his eight years in office (rising from around 10% to over 33%), while inflation climbed persistently, squeezing household incomes. Public debt nearly doubled from ₦42 trillion to ₦77 trillion (about $50 billion to $90+ billion) by the time he left, as the government borrowed heavily to finance deficits. The naira currency lost around 70% of its value against the dollar in the official market (and even more on the street), hitting an all-time low and making imports prohibitively expensive. Buhari’s defenders attribute these woes largely to external factors – the oil crash, the pandemic, global inflation – and credit him with avoiding total collapse. They point out that he invested in infrastructure that will yield long-term growth and promoted agriculture to reduce food imports. Indeed, Buhari championed a policy of “food security” and import substitution: he famously ordered the closure of Nigeria’s land borders in August 2019 to crack down on rice smuggling and encourage local rice production. While this bold move did spur increased domestic rice farming, it also had severe side effects. Food prices shot up (rice prices more than doubled in some markets), contributing to a spike in inflation that hit ordinary Nigerians’ ability to afford staples. The border closure also disrupted trade with neighbors and violated Nigeria’s commitments under regional free trade agreements. After 16 months, the policy was quietly reversed, but by then the damage – in terms of strained diplomatic relations and higher costs – was done. Summing up Buhari’s economic management, Al Jazeera opined in an analysis that his tenure would be remembered “as full of missteps and misdeeds” on the economy. The administration’s late efforts at currency reform (such as a rushed currency redesign in 2022 that caused cash shortages) and petrol subsidy removal were seen as too little, too chaotic, or too late. In Buhari’s own defense, he maintained that he laid the groundwork for future prosperity – arguing that rebuilding infrastructure, investing in agriculture, and (ostensibly) curbing grand corruption would pay dividends beyond his term. Ultimately, however, the immediate economic legacy he left was one of high poverty and debt, and an economy that had not significantly diversified away from oil dependence.

Democratic Governance and Human Rights: One of the sharpest areas of controversy about Buhari’s civilian presidency is how he balanced his authoritarian instincts with democratic norms. Having once ruled by decree, Buhari often showed impatience with the slow grind of democratic institutions. He was nicknamed “Baba Go Slow” early in his term for his lethargy in making appointments (it took him five months to name a cabinet), but when it came to dealing with dissent, at times he acted with an alarming decisiveness that reminded people of his 1980s rule. Throughout 2015–2023, human rights groups accused Buhari’s government of serially flouting the rule of law. Security agencies under his watch were notorious for disobeying court orders – for example, detaining certain individuals even after courts had granted them bail. A prominent instance was the continued detention of former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki for years despite multiple court orders for his release; similarly, the leader of a Shi’a Muslim group, Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, was held incommunicado for extended periods after a 2015 military raid on his compound left hundreds of his followers dead. According to one assessment, “Buhari’s government routinely flouted court orders, denying releases in a handful of high-profile cases. It was a rehash of Decree 2… in a democracy, that level of impunity shouldn’t be associated with a president”. Buhari’s administration also oversaw harsh crackdowns on protesters and the press. The most infamous episode was the #EndSARS protests of October 2020, when young Nigerians rallied against police brutality. After two weeks of largely peaceful demonstrations that gained global attention, soldiers moved in on protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos on October 20, 2020, and opened fire. Amnesty International reported at least 10 unarmed protesters were killed in what has been described as a massacre. The Buhari government’s reaction was denial and deflection – it downplayed the incident and went after some organizers of the protests. This incident severely tarnished Buhari’s human rights record in the eyes of the world. Earlier, in 2019, the government had also executed an unprecedented ban on Twitter for seven months, after the social media platform deleted a tweet of Buhari’s that was perceived as a threat against secessionists. The ban – justified officially on dubious grounds of protecting national security – was seen as collective punishment and an assault on free expression; a regional court eventually declared it unlawful. The Nigerian media, while still vibrant, worked under an atmosphere of intimidation; journalists risked arrest under terrorism or cybercrime laws for critical reporting. It is estimated that nearly 200 journalists were detained or arrested during Buhari’s presidency. This climate led observers to argue that Buhari’s democratic credentials were fundamentally weak. Human Rights Watch noted a “lack of adequate accountability for security forces’ abuses” and a rollback of basic freedoms during Buhari’s tenure. Meanwhile, sections of the country accused Buhari of ethno-religious bias in his leadership. They pointed to his pattern of senior appointments, which were heavily skewed toward northern Muslims (often his close associates or kinsmen), in seeming disregard for Nigeria’s diversity. A study of Buhari’s first-term appointments showed that the North-West (his home zone) and North-East together received about 63% of top federal appointments, whereas the South-East got less than 5%. This imbalance fed a narrative that Buhari was a “sectional leader” who favored his ethnic group (Fulani) and region, contrary to his inaugural pledge of belonging to everyone. Even some allies admitted that the administration could have done better in reflecting “federal character” (Nigeria’s principle of ethnic balancing in government). The perception of nepotism and clannishness undermined Buhari’s promise of national unity, at a time when Nigeria was grappling with sectional agitations. In Buhari’s defense, his supporters contend that he appointed people he found personally trustworthy and that he had no intent to marginalize any region. They also highlight that under his leadership, Nigeria remained democratic, with elections held as scheduled. Buhari himself conceded defeat when he lost his reelection bids in the past, and true to form, in 2023 he dutifully handed over power to his elected successor – setting a democratic precedent. However, the complex legacy he left on governance is one where his personal integrity (“he had no taste for stolen wealth,” as one tribute put it) is acknowledged, yet the democratic institutional integrity during his reign is questioned.

Conclusion

Muhammadu Buhari’s legacy is one of contrasts and convictions. Over a public career spanning more than forty years, he was at different times a young soldier on the frontlines of the civil war, a coup-maker and disciplinarian head of state, a quietly influential retiree spearheading development projects, and finally an elected president grappling with the immense challenges of modern Nigeria. Across these roles, a through-line can be seen: Buhari’s unwavering vision of national development anchored by discipline, self-reliance, and honesty in public service. He consistently advocated curbing corruption and waste, investing in infrastructure and education, and inculcating citizens with a sense of duty and order. Many of his policies – from the pipelines and refineries he built in the 1970s, to the farms and factories he tried to protect in the 1980s, to the roads and rails he constructed in the 2010s – were driven by an earnest desire to make Nigeria more self-sufficient and prosperous. For this, Buhari earned a reputation as a “guardian and a reluctant revolutionary,” in the words of an aide – a leader more concerned with leaving lasting institutions than with personal gain. Indeed, even his critics often grant that Buhari himself remained personally austere and uncorrupted by the trappings of power until the end.

Yet, the other side of Buhari’s legacy is a cautionary tale of authoritarian excess and the limits of vision when not paired with inclusivity and pragmatism. His developmental efforts were frequently undermined by an imperious style that alienated many Nigerians. By ruling with decree and later by clamping down on dissent, Buhari often deepened the very fissures of mistrust and disunity that can impede national development. Economically, his laudable push for self-reliance sometimes manifested in policies that hurt the poor – whether in 1984 or 2019, Nigerians felt the bite of Buhari’s import bans and austerity in their daily meals and livelihoods. Politically, his narrow approach to governance sowed division and arguably emboldened separatist sentiments in parts of the country. Thus, while Buhari’s developmental vision was broad and bold, his execution of that vision was at times blinkered by a rigid mindset.

In the final analysis, General Muhammadu Buhari’s legacy is both significant and ambivalent. He will be remembered as a leader who built infrastructure – highways, railways, schools, and pipelines – in a country sorely lacking them, and as one who championed a culture of anti-corruption and discipline in governance, leaving an “example of sparse grandeur” in public life. At the same time, history will record that under his watch, Nigeria struggled with economic hardship and witnessed severe tests of its democratic values. Buhari himself once said he hoped history would be kind to him and see that he “meant well” for Nigeria. It is likely that history’s verdict will indeed acknowledge his genuine love of country and intent to uplift it, while also noting that good intentions in leadership do not always yield good outcomes. As Nigeria moves forward, Buhari’s tenure offers lessons in the importance of coupling anti-corruption and development drives with respect for diversity, human rights, and sound economic management. In a tribute upon his passing, one Nigerian reflected: “He touched Nigeria like a hammer on an anvil… You either felt broken or you felt shaped”. Buhari’s impact, in sum, has been indelible – forging changes that will be debated for years to come in the quest to understand and appreciate the complex legacy of this soldier-turned-statesman.

References

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. (2025). Muhammadu Buhari. Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved July 23, 2025, from https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammadu-Buhari .

Voice of Nigeria. (2025, July 14). Muhammadu Buhari: A Legacy of Discipline, Power and Service. Retrieved from https://von.gov.ng/muhammadu-buhari-a-legacy-of-discipline-power-and-service/ .

Wikipedia. (2025, July 21). Muhammadu Buhari (Last updated July 21, 2025). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved July 23, 2025, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammadu_Buhari .

State House Abuja. (2020). President Muhammadu Buhari – Biography. The State House, Abuja (Official Website). Retrieved from https://statehouse.gov.ng/people-old/president-muhammadu-buhari/ .

Yakubu, T. (2025, July 19). At PTF, Buhari Upheld Trust, Ensured No Contract Padded, Says Yakubu (James Emejo, Interviewer). THISDAYLive. Retrieved from https://www.thisdaylive.com/2025/07/19/at-ptf-buhari-upheld-trust-ensured-no-contract-padded-says-yakubu/ .

Egbejule, E., Adetayo, O., & Olurounbi, R. (2023, May 29). ‘Squandered goodwill’: How Buhari failed Nigeria a second time. Al Jazeera (Features). Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/5/29/squandered-goodwill-how-buhari-failed-nigeria-a-second-time .

Okafor, C. (2023, July 18). Former Nigerian President Buhari’s Controversial Legacy (Op-Ed). OkayAfrica. Retrieved from https://www.okayafrica.com/muhammadu-buhari-nigerian-president-legacy/ .

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Nigerian UN Mission. (2015, May 29). President Muhammadu Buhari’s Inaugural Speech. Permanent Mission of Nigeria to the United Nations. Retrieved from https://nigeriaunmission.org/president-muhammadu-buharis-inaugural-speech/ .

Kuna, M. J., & Ibrahim, J. (2020). The Nigerian Petroleum Industry: Reform, Governance and Institutions. In Z. Y. Ibrahim (Ed.), Decades of Chevron in Nigeria (pp. 45–67). (Example reference for PTDF Act 1973).